[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Tough talk from the prime minister[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B][B][RIGHT]October 18th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

In the face of the threat of ‘street agitation’ unleashed by the PML-N to get the current government ousted by March 2012, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani, on October 16 announced his party’s resolve to stand firm and not let the opposition topple his government. He complained that the PML-N chief Nawaz Sharif had returned favours by stabbing the PPP in the back and referred to at least one favour extracted from the 18th constitutional amendment, which removed the bar on Mr Sharif’s third possible term as prime minister.

That was tough talk from Mr Gilani who has maintained a cordial relationship with the Sharifs even during times when hostile rhetoric flowed freely between their party and the PPP party chief, President Asif Ali Zardari. This indicates that time has come for Mr Gilani to stand within the party camp and confront the coming street agitation in Punjab. The chips are not evenly shared in the coming confrontation which so far had Mr Sharif leading a dharna in Islamabad among his own stalwarts and many rebels inside parliament who agree that the PPP should be sent home before its tenure is constitutionally over. The words used by Mr Sharif have been flecked with the sort of finality he did not employ before. It seems that he wants the government to quit on its own, failing which he will fall back on a Long March — and we know what happened to the PPP the last time the PML-N took part in a Long March, right before the restoration of the Supreme Court of Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry.

Why is the toppling instinct so strong among Pakistani politicians again after the 1990s decade when the one big lesson learned by the PML-N was: don’t topple the PPP to benefit the unnamed ‘third party’ which finally ousts both the parties from the political arena and makes the country suffer economically. Many causes have been considered. The PML-N rank and file didn’t much like Nawaz Sharif’s new-found statesmanship under the 2006 Charter of Democracy. The TV anchors, smelling blood and good ratings, chided him for being ‘friendly opposition’. When he decided to come out of his idealism, his inflexibility brought him nothing but grief. And when this happened the same TV chided him on not being clever enough!

The reason being cited the most for the revived ‘toppling’ phase is the March 2012 Senate elections which are supposed to prepare the ground for the PPP to win the 2013 general election. The PPP is likely to be the biggest gainer in March 2012 by emerging as the single largest party in the Senate. Fifty seats are up for election, and given the numbers in the provincial assemblies — that are the electoral college for the Senate — the ruling party will be relishing the outcome. Three political parties — the Jamaat-i-Islami, the Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP) and the Balochistan National Party Awami (BNP-A) — who did not take part in the 2008 general election will lose representation and their seats are quite likely to be picked up by the PPP.

The PML-N wants to rule next and can’t bear the prospect of being once again in the opposition. The Sharifs, bifurcated filially on how to deal with the situation at hand, have finally agreed that a winning PPP is simply not acceptable and will even embrace a dangerously ill-defined ‘bloody revolution’ to prevent the party from winning another election. The desperation is showing because President Zardari has both the parliamentary wild cards — the MQM and the PML-Q — firmly in his grasp. And the ‘third party’ is not yet convinced that Nawaz Sharif is tamed into joining his ‘connected’ colleagues and return to the grooves it moved in during the 1990s.

Of course, this is not to say that the situation that the country finds itself in is any better than in 2008. But at the very least, it would be good in that ordinary Pakistanis would have a chance to use the ballot box as an instrument of conveying their frustration and anger, rather than via a military intervention. That is the only way that democracy and its institutions can be strengthened in Pakistan. That, surely, is a worthy outcome in itself.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Low conviction rates[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 18th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

Defeating terrorism is hard enough without having one hand tied behind your back. Securing a conviction in court not only puts a dangerous terrorist behind bars, it also acts as a deterrent to those who might consider joining militant outfits and carrying out suicide attacks in the country. But, as a report in this newspaper has revealed, the state is failing quite miserably in its duty to hand down justice to those who have thrown the country into anarchy. Over 75 per cent of those put on trial for terrorism in Punjab end up getting off scot-free. Depending on your perspective, it would be easy to blame the government, the intelligence agencies, the police or the judiciary. The truth is, to manage a conviction rate so abysmal, all organs of the state have to simultaneously fail in their respective responsibilities of ensuring that those who indulge in terrorism, are convicted for their misdeeds.

Take the judiciary, which after all is a reflection of Pakistani society as a whole. Given that, it would be fair to presume that there may be some, who may have a soft spot for the militants because of a shared ideology and world view. Of course, an impartial judge, much like an impartial journalist, is supposed to ensure that his personal opinions do not impinge on his professional work. After all, what is one supposed to make of a former chief justice of the Lahore High Court choosing to take up the appeal of Mumtaz Qadri, who was convicted by a court for the murder of Salmaan Taseer. There is also the issue of threats to judges. In the same Qadri case, after the judge gave his verdict, his courtroom was ransacked by a group of lawyers and he had to go on leave. And to date, no one has yet to be arrested and charged for the vandalism.

Then there are the law-enforcement agencies which have proven that they are not up to the task of carrying out proper investigations. The police are helpless, either because of pressure or incompetence and add to that, the there are intelligence agencies which are unable to gather evidence that would be admissible in a court of law. If the figures can be turned around, that could prove to be a crucial factor in winning the war against militancy and extremism in Pakistan.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Getting hold of Fazlullah[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 19th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

From the day the Twin Towers fell on 9/11, the same mantra has been endlessly repeated to Pakistan: it must ‘do more’ in the fight against terrorism. Finally we have the opportunity to say the same thing to the US. After the army operation in Swat in 2009, local Taliban leader Mullah Fazlullah fled to Afghanistan, and is now based in Nuristan province. He is operating freely and unhindered, using Nuristan as a launching pad for attacks in Dir (which straddles Swat)and other border areas. In addition to bombings, Fazlullah is also believed to be responsible for a spate of kidnappings in Fata. Given how dangerous his presence is, it is entirely appropriate that Pakistan has asked Isaf forces in Afghanistan to tackle Maulana Fazlullah.

Of course, some may see the request as being motivated by other considerations as well. In recent weeks, the US has ratcheted up the pressure on Pakistan to take on the Haqqani network, based in North Wazirstan. Pakistan is quite clearly trying to draw a parallel between its refusal to fight the Haqqani network and the Isaf forces’ decision to ignore Fazlullah. Just as the Haqqani network is using Pakistan only as a base to launch attacks in Afghanistan, Fazullah is doing the opposite. Our message to Isaf will be seen by many to be this: if you can leave Mullah Fazlullah alone because he is not responsible for attacks in Afghanistan, then we can do the same with the Haqqani network.

As pleased as the government may be with this strategy, it has one fatal flaw. The US and its allies in Afghanistan have never been accused of actively colluding with Fazlullah, a charge that has been levelled several times against Pakistan with regards to the Haqqani network. Beyond the point-scoring, though, it is undeniable that he and his Swat Taliban have been able to regroup in Nuristan and are now as dangerous as ever. But unless the Pakistan and the US governments can work out a quid pro quo, Fazlullah will continue to gain in strength. Regardless of its justifiable anger with Pakistan over the Haqqani network, it would be in the interests of the US to take on the former Taliban chief of Swat.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A game of brinkmanship[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 19th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

As the crisis at Pakistan Railways (PR) reaches a new peak, the most recent financial crisis at PR can be blamed upon an impasse between the finance ministry and the railways ministry. However, the problem has its origins in the decades-long politicisation of the management and hiring practises at PR; once a proud, rich and highly profitable organisation.

Like most publicly owned companies, PR is grossly overstaffed. The company has a rather bad habit of not maintaining its locomotives, with the result that well over 500 of them are now dysfunctional and the rest operating at such low efficiencies that its fuel costs are skyrocketing beyond the already high pace of energy price increases. Belated, the railways ministry has realised this and has asked the finance ministry for funds to purchase newer locomotives as well as repair old ones. The Q Block is quite rightly concerned about the credibility of PR’s promises to spend the money as they say they will.

For the past decade, PR has constantly been seeking bailouts every year that have run into billions of rupees. Finance Minister Abdul Hafeez Shaikh has had a very public falling out with Railways Minister Ghulam Ahmed Bilour, insisting that the railways ministry, present a credible plan to restructure PR and restore it to profitability before the government will release any funds to what has become a perennial basket case. Both men have refused to budge from their respective position, which has caused inconvenience to railway employees, passengers and even pensioners. The government cannot simply fork over money to state-owned corporations without holding them accountable. Bilour’s insistence that his plan, which has been deemed inadequate by any who have actually read it, is nothing short of irresponsible. Thankfully, President Asif Ali Zardari seems set to intervene and at least on the surface, is siding with the finance ministry. We hope his intervention results in a permanent solution to this decades-long problem.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Violent means[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 19th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

The rate at which violence is spreading in our society is truly alarming. On the afternoon of October 17, hundreds witnessed an incident on Lahore’s busy Jail Road, on the pedestrian bridge located outside the city’s prestigious Kinnaird College, where a young man pumped five bullets into a second year student from the institute and then shot himself dead. The killer, Shams Alam, was 23; the victim, Samar Wasti was 19. Two young lives have ended tragically, leaving many students at the college which has closed for a day, traumatised.

The incident, we are told, took place after Alam, who had known Samar since school, was turned down when he proposed marriage. This it seems is becoming unacceptable for more and more men in the country; some have hurled acid on young women who refused them or extracted vengeance in some other terrible fashion. We have asked before. We ask once again — what is happening to our society? What are we coming to; why has life lost all worth? Other such acts take place too. This one has gained headlines chiefly because it involved a student from a leading college, who died so dramatically and so needlessly, even as she complained over her cell phone to her father about being harassed by Alam.

There is another issue here that needs to be looked into. There are far too many guns in our society and far too many in the wrong hands. We wonder how a 23-year-old gained access to a pistol. Pakistan, according to international monitoring groups, has one of the largest number of small arms in circulation anywhere in the world. This contributes to the high rate of murder, to the growing acceptance of brutality and the dramatically enacted tragedy in Lahore which took two lives within minutes, with hatred replacing what may have been an ill-conceived notion of love on the part of a young man who had succumbed to the violent trends that have already wrecked far too many lives.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]The army and parliament[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 20th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

National Assembly at General Headquarters (GHQ), Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani has talked of certain aspects of the crisis of relations with the US and its Nato allies and explained Pakistan’s foreign policy on Afghanistan, commonly known as ‘strategic depth’. On the latest menacing concentration of US-Nato forces along the Durand Line, he said: “They might do it [might attack North Waziristan] but they will have to think 10 times because Pakistan is not Iraq or Afghanistan”.

On Pakistan’s own Afghanistan policy he said: “We cannot leave both our eastern and western borders insecure. It is wishful thinking to achieve strategic depth in Afghanistan. The Russians tried, the Brits tried, the Americans are trying. We don’t have a magic wand.” But he insisted that Pakistan had special strategic interest in the country nonetheless: “We have long-term interests in Afghanistan; others might have short [terms ones]… for short-term gains; we cannot lose [sight of] our long-term interests”. About the pressure being put on the Pakistan Army for going after the Haqqani network in North Waziristan, General Kayani was forthright and honest, describing his position as realistic and not necessarily a legal one: “We have made it clear to the US that we will decide the timing of any such action according to our situation and capabilities. We have also told them that the problem lies within Afghanistan. If anyone convinces me that everything will be sorted out if we act in North Waziristan, I will take immediate action.”

As articulated by General Kayani, it is clearly a military-oriented policy focused on a war on two fronts founded on the thesis of permanent confrontation. And the general is right because Pakistan’s parliament has taken charge of foreign policy with the consent of the PPP-led government and an all-parties conference (APC) has endorsed it. Looking at the content of the number of APCs and subsequent parliamentary resolutions, the allocation of the foreign policy portfolio to the Pakistan Army is completely constitutional as endorsed by the elected representatives of the people. Not only that, the Pakistani media and the opinion of the common man as reflected in polls are fully behind the aggressive albeit isolationist stance adopted by the Pakistan Army. In democracies, foreign policy and diplomacy are the domain of the party in power because countries are normally required to deal with situations abroad, which are not subject to any settled law guiding state conduct. Conduct of foreign policy requires flexibility of response and reaching of prudent understandings to guard state interests topped by considerations of economic interest. (The only definition of ‘national interest’ that stands the test of practice is the one attached to the national economy.) Even accords signed with other states don’t require endorsement of parliament — as in the case of India and Pakistan — but if the government is weak it may devolve the conduct of foreign policy to parliament to draw strength from democratic consensus. In the case of Pakistan, foreign policy has been devolved to the Pakistan Army by government and parliament both. Hence no one should complain that Pakistan’s foreign policy is in the hands of GHQ.

No one can be happy over the confrontation Pakistan is embarking upon with the US and its Nato allies. The idea of leaning on the ‘prediction’ that the US will fail in this confrontation is unsettling, given the internal conditions of Pakistan. Even if Pakistan ‘wins’ in this confrontation, it will have to contend with a much bigger problem of dealing with local and foreign non-state actors trespassing on the writ of the Pakistani state. General Kayani says his army will clear the terrorists but the subsequent control of the pacified areas is the job of the civilians. The ‘realistic’ fact is that the army will not tackle the terrorists of a given region unless — as General Kayani explains — it suits “our situation and capabilities”. Pakistan’s ‘long-term’ interest in Afghanistan is not only challenged by the US and its allies but also by other regional states. The Pakistani narrative is not the only valid narrative. It is flawed because it is introverted and presumes the kind of economic muscle Pakistan doesn’t have.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Keeping women down[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 20th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

The kind of action we have seen repeated again and again from a National Assembly still dominated by men — despite the entry of more women to the chamber — is disappointing, to say the least. A bill that could have gone a long way in empowering women mainly by granting them rights over inheritance was blocked by male legislators for the second time in two weeks, using what can only be termed as the most flimsy of excuses. What is obvious is that our law-makers do not wish to see the women who make up 50 per cent of the population move to a more equal status and are willing to go to virtually any length to prevent this. What was especially saddening was the sight of members of the PPP — a party led through some of its toughest years by a woman — join ranks with those blocking the bill.

The potentially historical bill in question, authored primarily by Dr Donya Aziz, was titled the Prevention of Anti-Women Practices (Criminal Law Amendment) Bill and sought essentially to penalise practices like forced marriages and ‘marriages’ with the Holy Quran, a practice mainly aimed at depriving women of property inheritance. The bill, passed by the house committee, was deferred on October 11 for a week after National Assembly Speaker Dr Fehmida Mirza referred it back to the law ministry and Justice Fakhrunnisa Khokar for some minor amendments in clauses pointed out by legislators. But despite this, trivial objections from law-makers, including the PPP’s dissenting former law minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi, backed by some representatives of the PML-N, the PML-Q and the PPP, led to the bill being set aside once again.

The approach adopted reflects the attitude of those who run the affairs of our land, and also, at a broader level, the vast majority of men in the country. Their attitudes need to change if the plight of women is ever to alter. Today, a huge number remain victims of practices rooted in medieval times, and this will not change till our legislators show a readiness to alter the mindsets that prevent them from abandoning perceptions and ideas about women built over many centuries.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Qaddafi’s demise[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 21st, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

Most dictators meet an end that is all too fitting given the brutality with which they rule their countries. They end up in an early grave, face an ignominious trial or have to while their days away in humiliating exile. Libyan strongman Muammar Qaddafi was no exception, although he managed to last longer than most tyrants. There is a forgivable tendency to romantacise those who have just died but this should be avoided in Qaddafi’s case. In his 42 years in power, Qaddafi ruthlessly suppressed any opposition and made his oil-rich country an international laughing stock with his eccentricities. His revolutionary committees made sure no one would challenge his absolute power at home while his involvement in terrorist activities abroad, including the bombing of a discotheque in West Germany in 1986 and the Lockerbie bombing in 1988 brought nothing but misery to his beleaguered people.

Qaddafi talked a good game about pan-Islamic and pan-African unity but used these movements simply to glorify himself, ready to abandon anyone if it was in his short-term interest. Pakistan, who even named its cricket stadium in Lahore after him, has particular reason to be aggrieved. Having long sought nuclear weapons, Qaddafi was spooked by the US invasion of Iraq and willingly sold out Pakistan and AQ Khan as his allies in this quest. During his lifetime, Qaddafi was mocked for his extravagant dress sense, retinue of all-female guards and the fancy titles he bestowed on himself (he liked calling himself Brother Leader and King of the Kings of Africa). In death he should be remembered only as an autocrat of the worst kind who ruled only for himself.

Qaddafi’s death alone will not be enough for Libya to shake off his malign influence. One of the lessons recent Arab and African history has taught us is that liberators often turn into tyrants themselves. From the Ayatollahs in Iran to Saddam Hussain in Iraq, we now know that shaking off one dictator is not enough if it simply leads to more one-person rule. Even now, Egypt is struggling to move from Hosni Mubarak’s rule to a functioning democracy. That is the challenge awaiting the Libyan rebels who defeated and ultimately killed Qaddafi.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Two brave boys[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 21st, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

Here is a nominee for what could be the feel-good story of the year. Two boys in Karachi, aged 11 and 14, who wash cars to make ends meet, found a bomb concealed in a block of cement in Gulistan-e-Jauhar. They immediately informed the police and were able to avert a major terrorist attack. Dozens of people in the area owe their lives to these young heroes who, after their brief moment of glory, will surely return to their anonymous lives of poverty. That is unfortunate as Noman and Amir should be held up as exemplars of what citizens can do to contribute in the fight against militancy. It is unfortunate that law enforcement authorities have done precious little to educate the populace on how they can report suspicious activity. With the threat of terrorism ever-present, an alert citizenry can be a valuable tool that needs to be utilised as a last line of defence. It should go without saying that the boys should never have been placed in a situation where they were all that stood between a destructive act of terrorism. Given that this is not an isolated incident in a country where bombs go off nearly daily, one has to ask whether the intelligence agencies are up to the task of preventing terrorist attacks. As much as this thwarted attack is an example of bravery and initiative, it is also an indictment of law enforcement authorities that have shown themselves incapable of acquiring and acting upon advance intelligence. The world of intelligence-gathering is by definition a murky one that operates in the shadows but the results are clear as day. The vast resources at their disposal have led to very few thwarted attacks. This suggests that the agencies have not been particularly successful at infiltrating militant groups, paying off informants and using the power of the surveillance state.

After the initial bout of publicity, the two boys will in all likelihood return to a life of flagging passing cars and washing their windshields. Instead of rudely brushing such boys off, we may want to consider politeness. You never know where our next saviours will come from.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]On/off/on[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 21st, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

A Pakistani cricketer announcing his retirement isn’t saying farewell to the game. It’s more like a see you later. In the musical chairs that is Pakistani cricket, the departure of Pakistan Cricket Board chairman Ijaz Butt and coach Waqar Younis was sure to be accompanied by the return of Shahid Afridi. Keeping count of the number of times Afridi has un-retired requires an advanced degree in mathematics, a sign that the all-rounder is so petulant that he packs his bags and runs home every time things don’t go his away. Despite that, the natural reaction of cricket fans will be to welcome his return. Butt was by far the most despised chairman in our cricket history while Afridi’s charisma and talent, which far outstripped his achievements, made him one of the most popular cricketers in the country.

This is a temptation that should be avoided. The precedent that would be set if Afridi rushed back into the team would be harmful for the long-term health of the game. It would show any player that they simply have to throw a tantrum to get the changes they want. It would undermine the captain and sow the seeds of discord in a team that has always had a problem with factionalism and revolt.

There are very few things about which Ijaz Butt was correct, but the harmful rise of player power was one of them. Afridi was supposed to be a servant of Pakistan cricket; yet he treated the game like he was above it. What is truly maddening about this is that Afridi’s value to the team isn’t as high as someone like Younus Khan, another player who had a falling out with Butt. He was unfairly stripped off the captaincy and dropped from the team, very soon after leading the country to victory at the T20 championships. Yet he bided his time and made a return to the team. Afridi, by contrast, let the country down and for that his career should now come to a close.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A middle ground must be found[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B][B][RIGHT]October 22nd, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

In her meeting with Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has more or less signalled what she and her powerful delegation are here to achieve: Pakistan’s change of its Afghan policy that, in the eyes of the US, causes clashes and cross-border terrorism between Pakistan and Afghanistan. She has, however, recognised the toughness of Pakistan’s stance by appreciating “the All Parties Conference’s resolution, which was a right message from Pakistan to the world”.

The visit is expected to further clarify the positions adopted on Afghanistan by the two sides, though it should be remembered that Washington has not gone along completely with what former US chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Michael Mullen said — that Pakistan was actually hand in glove with the Haqqani network striking across the Durand Line from North Waziristan and killing people. There has been some thaw between American military leaders and the Pakistan Army since the tense moment when Admiral Mullen spoke to a Congress committee, something for which he must have first obtained clearance from the US government.

But the Haqqani network issue heads the roster of topics to be discussed and Clinton is going to pitch it to President Asif Ali Zardari and in her interactions with other leaders. Her welcome of the thaw developing between Pakistan and India in the domain of economic links will not, however, lessen the intensity of the demands she would have probably made unless the military gives her the space she needs to sound less admonishing. Needless to say, it is the army which is now squarely in charge of handling the foreign and defence policies of Pakistan after the PPP-led government, joining the opposition, has practically ousted itself from the field as far as foreign policy is concerned. Therefore, it is clear that Clinton and her powerful military top brass will have to listen carefully to what the Pakistan Army says and see if there are areas of agreement in the generally gloomy picture of Pakistan-US relations at the present moment.

As far as Pakistan is concerned, the line was laid down by Army Chief General Kayani when he recently addressed the defence committees of the parliament at GHQ, saying Pakistan was not going to launch a military operation in North Waziristan just yet and that he will choose the moment in light of what he considers the “right timing and required capabilities”. He had referred to a two-front situation which Pakistan could not accept, referring clearly to the growing Indian clout in Afghanistan after a ‘strategic’ accord between Kabul and New Delhi. A more aggressive gesture made by Kayani was contained in his repeated reference to the Pakistan military’s rejection of American military aid. But even this is not the last word said in the context of Pakistan-US relations.

The US can’t afford to go to war inside/with Pakistan given the political consensus among the politicians of the country — who are otherwise at each other’s throat — and among the people of Pakistan excited by the media into an anti-American frenzy not good for Pakistani diplomacy and the Pakistan Army’s own options in the face of a superpower. The army is fighting with the Taliban — who are hand in glove with the Haqqani network and al Qaeda — in many parts of Pakistan’s tribal areas. It may have leverage with the US on the basis of the Nato supply line through Pakistan but its economic base is crumbling even as governance dips to its lowest. It simply can’t afford to have the US increase drone attacks inside its territory even as the Taliban loot banks and kidnap Pakistani citizens to keep their war against Pakistan going.

The Pakistani ‘comparison’ between the Haqqani network presumably sheltering in North Waziristan and the Swat warlord Fazlullah somewhere in the Afghan province of Kunar is inapt as it indirectly pledges Pakistan to go after the Haqqanis if the US hunts down Fazlullah. The fact is that Pakistan will not act against the safe haven of the Haqqanis, full stop. Both the US and Pakistan cannot prolong the current contest of who blinks first. A middle ground of continued dialogue and cooperation must be found.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Libya beyond Qaddafi[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 22nd, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

News of Libyan dictator Muammar Qaddafi’s death was greeted with the exultant aerial firing of AK-47s. This method of celebration captures in a nutshell the quandary Libya now faces. As happy as the people of the country may be at the demise of the hated tyrant, the process of building a society that is armed to the teeth and where a bunch of less-than-united rebels will now by vying for power could turn out to be a long and painful one. For the last year, Libya has essentially been mired in a low-grade civil war. The chance that the fighting will continue is unfortunately higher than the prospect of a smooth transition to a democratically-elected government.

Some of the early signs gave hope for cautious optimism. The National Transitional Council, which took over from Qaddafi, has pledged to write a new constitution that is disinfected of all traces of his legacy and promised to hold elections right after. The council is also claiming that it will voluntarily step down and allow a transitional government to replace it. But so far these are just words. Many of the members of the council have been credibly accused of engaging in violent reprisals against political enemies, a sign that the civil war may not only continue but also intensify. Human rights groups have accused many of the rebels of engaging in torture and other gross abuses. The worst prospect now facing Libya is that a long civil war will ensure and the winner will be Qaddafi 2.0, another dictator with scant regard for the wishes of his people.

Then, there is always the question of oil. Libya’s valuable natural resource will always make it a desirable fiefdom for any number of foreign powers. The only reason Nato intervened in Libya, and not any other Arab country, is because a dictator widely believed to be a madman controlled the oil. The western countries now need to take a step back. Any government that has an American imprimatur will lose legitimacy in the eyes of the Libyan people. The future is for the Libyan people to sort out for themselves and any meddling must be kept to a minimum.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Change of tack on the Haqqanis[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B][B][RIGHT]October 23rd, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has changed the sharp edge of her country’s policy for a more conciliatory stance towards Pakistan’s apparent aggressive response to demands that it attack North Waziristan and oust the Haqqani network from there. Instead, she has proposed in Islamabad that Pakistan facilitate American peace talks with the two kinds of Taliban (Pakistani and Afghan) and the Haqqani network, saying America had no evidence that Pakistan’s ISI was hand in glove with the Haqqanis or that the ISI had encouraged them to attack US-Nato targets in Afghanistan.

This is a significant change of attitude and Clinton’s powerful delegation stood guarantee to it: Director CIA General David Petraeus, Special US Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan Marc Grossman, US Ambassador to Pakistan Cameron Munter, US Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey and Assistant to the President and Deputy National Security Adviser Lt-General Edward Lute who oversaw the killing of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad. Is it an admission that the former policy was a misstep that Washington is now trying to correct or is it a measured and flexible response to Pakistan’s clearly desperate challenge on the basis of ‘strategic depth’ against a perceived ‘two-front’ situation?

It is clearly the latter rather than the former. Pakistan’s worry about India’s incursion into Afghanistan after a ‘strategic accord’ with Kabul has not been publicly addressed unless by getting the Taliban to talk the secretary said, gives Pakistan leverage against a pro-India government in Kabul. Other aspects of the Pakistan-US cleavage also remain, albeit in a lower profile. Clinton insisted that Pakistan take action within “days and weeks” to dismantle alleged terrorist sanctuaries on its soil, warning that a failure to do so would have devastating consequences for all concerned. This can be taken to mean that drone attacks will resume at a higher intensity.

Allowing Pakistan to be the intermediary in America’s talks with the Taliban and the Haqqani network looks like a concession but may in fact be a burden that Pakistan’s own contradictory approach to terrorism might render unbearable. Can the ISI get the various brands of terrorists to agree to even begin talking? The record says that despite spending a lot of wealth on them and despite smearing its reputation as a peaceful state while dealing with the Taliban, no dent was ever made with the ‘warriors’ who don’t talk when they think they have the upper hand; also on the evidence accumulated so far, these terrorists tend to not really betray their sworn loyalties, even when someone from among them appears to engage in peace talks. There is also evidence that the Taliban are simply incapable of normal governance if they are given stakes in the running of a state.

Headlines saying America eats the humble pie in the face of the Pakistan Army’s resolute stance in the ‘national interest’ should be avoided. There are still some irreducible hurdles in the way in the shape of India’s perceived growing presence in Afghanistan and Pakistan’s inflexible approach to handling India’s move now that it has been made. There is a thick underbrush of incomprehensible Taliban ‘conditionalities’ attached to talks; there are also Pakistan’s own tough conditionalities which it will attach to the Taliban’s demands while preparing the ground for US-Taliban talks.

American conditions — “they must lay down arms, abide by the Afghan constitution and respect basic human rights, especially women’s rights” — may prove to be too tough to negotiate. The only way Pakistan can get the terrorists to agree is to get them to feel weak. This cannot happen unless Pakistan overcomes its internal vulnerabilities — including a takeover by the terrorists — and is able to inflict a clear military defeat on them. Today, the dilemma in Pakistan is whether it is India that is the enemy as described in our faded textbooks or al Qaeda and its minion, the Taliban. Therein lies the hidden strength of America’s latest change of tack with Pakistan.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Suspended lawmakers[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 23rd, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

Our lawmakers have a strange affliction that leads them to believe that they are above the law. It should go without saying that the opposite needs to be true. Those entrusted with the responsibility to formulate the nation’s laws and spend its monies need to be purer than Caesar’s wife. The Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) has suspended over 200 members of the National Assembly, Senate and provincial legislatures for failing to declare their assets. The list includes, ironically enough, Finance Minister Abdul Hafiz Sheikh, the man responsible for stewarding the nation’s financial health. Other luminaries on the list are Interior Minister Rehman Malik and Senate Leader of the Opposition Maulana Ghafoor Haideri.

The suspensions on their own don’t mean much. The ECP has previously suspended members for a nominal day or two, a punishment that does not come anywhere close to meeting the crime. For ECP laws to have teeth, repeat offenders should face much stiffer penalties, up to losing their seats. The ECP has rightly decreed that the public has a right to know the assets of their representatives; those who refuse to abide by this are abusing the voters’ trust and the responsibility entrusted to them. That lawmakers feels, correctly as it is happens, that they can flout rules at will only leads to further flouting of regulations. When lawmakers consider themselves above the law, it makes a mockery of our democratic system where everyone is theoretically supposed to be equal in the eyes of the law.

Even though many of our lawmakers find the simple filing of assets a burden too hard to bear, this should only be the start of the process. Too many of the asset declarations have only a tenuous connection to reality. If they are too be believed, those who serve in the national and provincial assemblies are living in penury, even as they drive in fancy cars and have multiple homes. For the asset declarations to have any meaning, they need to be verified for accuracy with severe punishments for those found to have presented falsified information. Not only will that give us more honest assemblies, it will also give tax authorities the information to collect unpaid dues from those in power.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A life of sacrifices[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 24th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

Unlike in countries like the US, the wives of heads of states in Pakistan tend to stay away from the limelight and rarely join their spouses in campaigning and day-to-day politicking. Begum Nusrat Bhutto, who passed away in Dubai on October 23 after a long struggle with Alzheimer’s disease, was a notable exception. Her political career was forged and defined by tragedy. When her husband, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was executed by military dictator Zia-ul-Haq, Nusrat Bhutto took over the chairmanship of the PPP. It was a post she would hold for four years, during the party’s darkest days. Daughter Benazir had been anointed the heir apparent but was still too young to take the reins. Had the PPP been led by a lesser person, it may well have disintegrated.

It was Nusrat Bhutto’s destiny as the wife of a politician, who would rise against the prevailing status quo in Pakistan, to be surrounded by death and oppression. Her two sons Murtaza and Shahnawaz and her daughter Benazir all took the struggle against military rule in their differing ways. Such is the ruthlessness of politics in Pakistan that she outlived all of them, and only the apolitical daughter Sanam Bhutto is still alive. After Zia was assassinated and Benazir took over, Nusrat Bhutto became the symbol of the hope the PPP had inspired in millions. She took over the traditional Bhutto parliamentary seat in Larkana. Unfortunately, the growing political rivalry between Murtaza and Benazir forced their mother to take sides and she chose Murtaza. Still, she reconciled with her daughter after Murtaza’s tragic death.

Ultimately, Nusrat Bhutto will be remembered for her sacrifices, both personal and political, in the struggle for democracy. She took her fight to the courts, forcing the Supreme Court in 1977 to acquiesce to the unconstitutional takeover by Zia-ul-Haq. When the courts proved pliant to military adventurism, she took to the streets suffering beatings at the hands of Zia’s goons and was regularly jailed or placed under house arrest. She bore the indignities heaped on her by a military dictatorship with courage. For that, she will be fondly remembered not only by the PPP but by all Pakistanis.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Search for justice[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 24th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

The principal accused in the multi-billion rupee National Insurance Comply Limited (NICL) scam, Moonis Elahi has, rather unexpectedly, been acquitted by a banking court in Lahore. The verdict came after the judge ruled that there was insufficient evidence against Elahi and that the charges against him were framed to malign his family. The ruling was based on the fact that, according to the prevailing rules of justice, the testimony of a fellow accused cannot be used against another, while the bank officers who were expected to testify as to Elahi’s involvement said nothing in their statement implying that he was a part of those who have earned millions from the scandal. Even the pleas of the head of the FIA regarding evidence pointing to Elahi’s involvement was largely ignored.

For a long time, strong suspicions had circulated of Elahi’s hand in the deal which resulted in huge sums of money ending up in accounts of close family members. It is also true that Elahi has earlier been accused of involvement in corruption. This, of course, does not necessarily mean he is guilty of the corruption he is accused of in the NICL case. But it certainly seems unusual that things have taken such a quick about-turn. At the very least, the investigation of the case should not have relied entirely on statements from co-accused turned state witnesses.

The fact also is that someone, somewhere, stole a large amount of money from the NICL. We need to discover where these billions went and in whose hands they lie. Even if Elahi is indeed not guilty as he has said, there are others who are. The priority must be to discover their identity. If we fail to do so, the battle against corruption in our country will suffer a really terrible blow and only encourage others to engage in similar acts which rob money from the exchequer. The levels of corruption need to be brought down and this can happen only if those believed to be guilty are brought to justice.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Agriculture subsidies[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 24th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

This newspaper has been strongly in favour of the government’s attempts to balance its budget, even when this has meant some sacrifice on the part of citizens. What we find disappointing, however, is when the government stops spending on necessary programmes, without coming up with better alternatives. A classic case of this was the removal of the subsidy on loans to the agriculture sector, a move expected to save the federal government billions of rupees a year.

Unto itself, this policy decision by the economic coordination committee (ECC) of the cabinet has merit. It removes a subsidy that, according to former State Bank governor Ishrat Hussain, disproportionately benefits richer farmers and does little to improve access to credit for smaller farmers. And it also saves the government money at a time when cutting expenses has become a critical priority for the country’s economic management team. Yet there are several concerns. The government has not come up with any alternative policies designed to improve access to credit for small farmers who collectively constitute some of the poorest elements of Pakistani society. We would understand if the government had a better idea than subsidies and indeed would applaud them for it. But they appear to not even have made the effort to come with one. We consider that to be a dereliction of duty on the part of the ECC and the finance ministry. The most effective way to raise the rural population out of poverty is to help them increase their productivity, a process that requires investment, which in turn needs access to capital. The Zarai Taraqiati Bank (ZTBL) has largely been a failure in providing this but that does not mean that the goal is not worth pursuing. The government might, for instance, try recapitalising and reorganising the ZTBL so that it becomes a more effective lending institution. It could also encourage the provinces to expedite the process of computerising land records, so that poor farmers have authentic documentation of their assets, which they might be able to pledge as collateral to banks.

[U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][B]Exam fiasco[/B][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U]
[B][RIGHT]October 25th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

We already knew there were all kinds of flaws in our examination system, with corruption a not uncommon feature. But the Intermediate exam fiasco that has occurred in Punjab takes the cake. Following outraged protests by stunned students and their parents, the provincial chief minister has announced a cancellation of the Intermediate Part 1 result declared by all eight boards of the province and a rechecking of all Part I and Part II papers. The fee of Rs700 normally charged for such rechecking has been waived, as of course it should be, while red-faced officials try to find means to explain what happened.

As things stand for the moment, Punjab Education Minister Shujaur Rehman has blamed the entire debacle on a computer which had apparently gone quite crazy. This is the first year during which the Intermediate exam system result compilation process had been computerised. The experiment has obviously not been a success. Students who had never taken maths papers were awarded marks for them, while one candidate was awarded 52 marks for a paper that carried a total of 50. The position-holders in the Part II exam, the results of which were declared in September, already had to be changed after similar grave errors were discovered, presumably as a result of the same computer system.

Behind every computer there lies a human hand. The persons responsible for the setting up of the system need to be brought to book. The chief minister has already ordered an enquiry for this purpose. Most important of all is to rebuild our exam system and restore faltering faith in it so that students can be assured of some degree of reliability as they sit for their papers which will decide their futures and the careers they are able to take up. Messing up this crucial factor in the lives of millions of young boys and girls amounts to mismanagement on a disastrous scale.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A most welcome gesture[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 25th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

A growing sense of maturity may finally be pervading the fraught Pakistan-India relationship. On October 23, an Indian Army helicopter accidentally crossed over into Pakistani airspace. Naturally, Pakistani officials, not knowing the cause of the incursion at first, forced the plane to land and detained the four Indian officials on board. Thankfully, sanity prevailed. The hotline that exists between the director-generals of military operations for the two countries was employed and it turned out that the Indians had strayed into our territory by mistake, most likely because of bad weather. The Line of Control, which demarcates the border between the two countries, can be easy to cross given that it is not a straight, dividing line. Accidents like this are bound to take place and by swiftly releasing the Indians, Pakistan has made it far more likely that its soldiers will be released if they accidentally cross the line in the future.

Heartening though this episode may be, it should also serve as a wake-up call to both Pakistan and India. Both are quick to seize on men who have mistakenly crossed the border, both by land and sea. Fishermen in particular are detained for an indefinite period and often denied consular access. If there is one thing this incident has taught us, it is that not even hi-tech radar systems can stop all incursions. Poor fishermen in rudimentary boats will make the same mistake far more regularly. For them, mercy not incarceration should be the order of the day.

Let us hope that the quick resolution of something that could have turned far uglier were it not for the level-headed thinking from both sides will serve as a model for the future. Incidents like this have the potential to spiral out of control as accusations about spying fly back and forth. Peace between Pakistan and India still may not be at hand but initial baby steps have been taken, with foreign minister-level talks and agreements on trade. The speedy resolution to the chopper incident can only help build trust and enable the process to inch forward. And that is far more important than boasting that we have Indian military personnel in custody.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Living with risk[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 25th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

The reported leak of heavy water from the Karachi Nuclear Power Plant (KANUPP) should make us all think a little harder about just how safe we are. While the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission has predictably enough played down the leak which occurred on October 20, the fact that the plant has been closed down suggests some degree of anxiety. It is uncertain if any attempts have been made to determine radiation levels in the areas around the plant, which has already outlived its stated life and had been closed for maintenance work early in October.

Environmentalists have pointed out that the heavy water presents a radiation risk not only to humans, but also marine and plant life in the area. The question arises as to the safety of having a major nuclear plant in the midst of an inhabited area, around which new housing colonies are now cropping up — as they do around every empty piece of land anywhere close to all our major cities. And the fact that KANUPP lies along three seismic fault lines is hardly reassuring given the nuclear peril experienced recently by the people of Japan following the earthquake and tsunami there. Let us also remember this is not our first scrape with nuclear material and the risks it poses. In 2006, the people of Baghalchur village in southern Punjab had gone to the Supreme Court over uranium dumped in the area from a mine where excavations had been conducted from 1978 to 2000. They believed this was affecting health, both for humans and animals. The matter eventually fizzled away, amidst many calls for ‘secrecy’ by authorities. Reports of radiation poisoning in the Chaghai area of Balochistan, where Pakistan tested its nuclear device in 1998, have never been adequately investigated.

We make proud claims of being the Muslim world’s only nuclear power. But with this capability comes much responsibility. We need to demonstrate it, check the safety of our nuclear plants and make sure we do not one day come face to face with a nuclear disaster which threatens the life and safety of our people.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A suicide in front of Parliament[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B][B][RIGHT]October 26th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

Raja Khan, a father of two from Naushehro Feroz in Sindh, set himself on fire in front of Parliament House in Islamabad on October 25 and died of burns at the hospital, saying in a message he left: “I am responsible for my death. I am taking this step because I am fed up with my financial conditions”. He asked the government to take care of his family.

The message is stark and reflects the plight currently being faced by the majority of the population in the country. Suicides take place in the most prosperous societies too, but this one is more significant because it offers commentary on the state of Pakistan after 64 years of its existence. This is not about the depression of a single individual that has forced him to give up his life. Rather it points to the collective despondency at the ‘abnormal’ state of Pakistan.

Raja Khan’s message is shocking because it is undramatic: he was honest in the pursuit of his duties of looking after his children and was rendered helpless because he could not find employment in an economy that is going through a dangerous contraction, squeezing thousands of people out of their jobs every day. The poor are shaped by certain conditions of life: they have no savings and live from day to day and are a class which suffers when the economy goes downhill.

Suicides are not unknown to Pakistan’s unjust society. The injustice faced by certain groups may not be economic in origin. Suicide is linked to depression or a depressive state of mind. Women are prone to be being depressive in a society like Pakistan because the law doesn’t protect them against maltreatment. The non-Muslims of Pakistan and certain persecuted Muslim minority groups are in the same boat because they too face the same kind of difficulties. But the consequences of an economic disaster are faced by nearly 70 per cent of the population and hence the increasing number of suicides brought on by economic deprivation and poverty.

Although it is a cliché to say this is the worst of times, by all calculations the period we are going through now is among the worst in the country’s history. The state is dysfunctional on many counts. But there are other reasons to consider.

There is terrorism emanating from the past policy of using cross-border violence through non-state actors and fighting ‘deniable’ jihad with international terrorists. This trouble is of long gestation, dictated by a military-dominated establishment while the civilian governments fell like nine pins over the past three decades. Today, as we face the fallout from a worldwide economic crisis, we are made to recognise that the country lacks internal economic strength to survive the global capitalist ‘boom and bust’ cycle. The most outstanding direct cause of the falling apart of the economy is the energy crisis with its origin buried in the state’s lack of consensus about its identity and future direction. Then there is the circular debt handed down by the Musharraf government because it didn’t want to pass on the rising cost of the fuel that produces electricity to the populace just before the anticipated elections. After that there is the sad history of the PPP-led government’s handling of this inheritance.

The energy crunch is one of the primary causes of unemployment of the poor. In the cities, the laid-off manpower is growing by the day, joining the ranks of Raja Khans. In the countryside, subsistence has been destroyed by natural calamities which the governments in the provinces simply could not cope with. The poverty of the rural man driven to the urban centres is more crushing than normal poverty. Add to this the isolationist course adopted by our politicians and the military and you have the prescription of a state collapse. Will it be like Somalia or Tunisia? Or Egypt, or even Libya?

A point to note is that the ‘revolution’ in the Arab state is against dictators; in Pakistan pressure-releasing mechanisms like political parties and elected governments are in place. In fact, if at all there is a revolution in Pakistan, it is possible that it may be commandeered by religious and conservative forces for its own ends and that will not be a good outcome for the state or its people.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Tourism in Swat[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 26th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

There have been some rather desperate ads in the media inviting tourists back to the beautiful valley of Swat, with its mountains, forests, rushing rivers and lakes. Some of the campaigns carry photographs quite obviously taken from the past, when honeymooning couples walked alongside streams or visitors from overseas fishing for trout. Will those days return? For the people of Swat the only real hope for the future lies in that they do, that the hotels fill up again, the guides find customers to take on tours and skiers once more frequent the Malam Jabba resort, burned down by militants at the height of the Taliban insurgency.

Traditionally, of course, the economy of Swat has depended on tourism. Even as the fighting ended, the floods of 2010 delivered another devastating blow to it, as riverside inns and cafes were washed away, sometimes taking with them the sums of money owners had so painstakingly gathered and invested. Right now, these people need help. Perhaps soft-loan schemes can help them find their feet again and, while the tourism corporations seem to be doing what they can, perhaps authorities can do more to build faith in Swat as a destination where it is safe to take families or set out on holidays. If such measures are taken local tourism could increase, though it will take more time for the international community to return, given the overall situation in our country. To encourage this, more effort to restore the damaged and defaced rock sculptures dating back to Buddhist times also needs to be made, given their allure for tourists.

But most crucial of all is the need to build confidence that Swat is genuinely free and safe from militancy. We must ask if this is possible when men like Maulana Fazalullah remain free and there is talk of the Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Shariah Muhamaddi, which is linked to the Taliban, building up caches of arms in homes. We must realise that an economic revival in Swat is vital to bring any kind of lasting peace to the valley and to end the hold the militants still exert in many of its areas.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Food and faith[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 27th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

We have seen it happen before and we see it now again. Religious forces, acting with the immense dexterity and good strategy that they have become expert at, have taken up what should be the role of government and are providing food and other assistance to some 2,000 flood victims in camps in Badin. The Falah-e-Insaniyat (FeI), the philanthropic wing of the Jamaatud Dawa (JuD) — accused, among other things of involvement in the 2008 Mumbai attacks — is reported to be the organisation primarily engaged in the relief effort, with their activists also playing a role in rescuing people at a time when the waters in Badin rose high.

It is, of course, the inadequacy of the official machinery which allows forces like the FeI and its parent body to move into people’s lives in this fashion — and, for quite natural reasons, win favour with them. Precisely the same sequence of events took place after the 2005 earthquake and the 2010 floods. It is unfortunate that the government has not learnt its lessons and has allowed this to happen again. Of course, victims of natural disaster need help, but it should come from state agencies and their humanitarian partners, not those who seek to use occasions such as these to put across their own message, even while doing good work. This is especially significant in our context, where extremism has spread like wildfire.

There are indications the JuD is using the opportunity offered up to it on a silver platter, to present its message, which may not necessarily be to everyones benefit. Residents at camps say they are reminded to pray, while prayer mats and copies of the Holy Quran have been generously distributed. There is, despite JuD denials, obviously some degree of coercion involved. Hindu families have also been made to attend some preaching sessions. This is a situation that needs to be addressed. The many orthodox forces which still operate in our midst should not be permitted to exploit the helplessness of people caught up in a natural disaster, and this can happen only if the government agencies responsible for such tasks take their duties more seriously and prevent other forces from moving in.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Dengue replay[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 27th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

There have been reports in the press that the dengue epidemic — which has left Lahore in a state of virtual paralysis, with people too scared to step outdoors at key times during dusk and dawn when the Aedes Egypti mosquito is most likely to be around — may take on even more dangerous proportions next year. These predictions are based on the fact that with more people already suffering dengue, they may be infected the next time round with another serotype of the disease. This could lead to a situation which experts say is more likely to cause the more serious haemorrhagic form of the sickness.

Already we have a situation where that tiny striped creature that has buzzed into our lives has become the most feared living thing in many parts of Punjab and also other areas of the country. It is still unclear why, compared to other countries which have suffered dengue outbreaks such as Sri Lanka, we have such a relatively high number of fatalities. This matter needs to be explored, given that according to official figures the deaths now run into thousands, while many believe they could be considerably higher. Health officials admit that reports of casualties from smaller clinics and rural areas may not be coming in at all.

The toll dengue has taken on Lahore this year has been terrifying. The thought of an epidemic which is even more severe simply makes the heart stand still. We can only hope that sensible strategies will be devised at a rapid pace to determine how this can be prevented. As visiting experts have suggested, there must be spraying campaigns at the right time. Cleaning up of rubbish dumps and open drains as well as a host of other measures which can stop the mosquito from breeding and creating the kind of havoc we have witnessed over the last few months disrupting the lives of almost every citizen are also required. This simply must not happen again.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]WikiLeaks wobbling[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]October 27th, 2011[/RIGHT][/B]

In its relatively short existence, whistleblower website WikiLeaks has uncovered evidence of possible US war crimes in Afghanistan and Iraq and revealed the mendacity of Middle Eastern regimes to such an extent that it may have been one of the factors that ignited the Arab Spring. WikiLeaks exists solely to hold the powerful accountable and for that a price must be paid. Given that the founder of the website, Julian Assange, is not a US citizen, the American government could not jail him and so has had to find alternative means of silencing him. They have finally succeeded. WikiLeaks announced on October 25 that they would not be leaking any more documents to try and tackle what they called a “financial blockade”. Ever since Assange and his website started taking on the US, the Obama administration has tried its best to suffocate WikiLeaks. Credit card companies have refused to process donations to the website, its bank accounts have been shut down and even web-hosting sites are reluctant to allow the site to be hosted on its servers. WikiLeaks’ greatest source, US army soldier Bradley Manning has been held in solitary confinement without charge for over a year, in conditions that human rights activists believe amounts to torture. Despite all these punitive measures, no one has been able to pinpoint exactly what WikiLeaks is guilty of. If anything, it provided a service that all media should be striving towards: releasing confidential information that often revealed government wrongdoing.

Of course, as this has happened, Assange himself has come under fire, and this includes people who have worked with him, some of whom have accused him of suffering from a messiah complex. Either way, the importance of WikiLeaks cannot be denied and quite frankly it revolutionised the way official wrongdoing is revealed via the unearthing of important and relevant information. And it is for that reason alone that one hopes its financial condition will improve so that it can keep on doing what it has been for the past many months.